Nigeria in International Organization
1.1 Background to the Study
The concept and practice of economic integration between or among states has an old history (Bello Sani, 2018). By literature available to the researcher, it dates back long before the period of the Berlin Conference in 1884, when African nations thrived on cooperation and community life to resolve challenges and develop their communities. Relative to the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), it is as old as the community itself. Indeed, it is the raison d‘être for the formation of the community. Article 3 of the ECOWAS treaty sets out the aims and objectives which among others are to promote cooperation and integration leading to the establishment of an economic union (ECOWAS, 2021).
West Africa is the part of Africa that is bounded in the West and South by the Atlantic Ocean, the Sahara Desert on the North, and on the East by the eastern boundaries of present-day Nigeria. Practically, it is that area of Africa that is encircled in the North by a line running from the Senegal River to Lake Chad, in the East by a line running from Lake Chad Basin to the Cameroon Mountains, and in the south and west, by the Atlantic Ocean coastline.
This efforts to co-ordinate economic cooperation on a sub-regional level in West Africa dates to 1963, with a conference on industrial harmonization in the sub-region in Lagos, Nigeria, followed by the Niamey conference on economic cooperation in 1966. Similarly in 1967, another conference was held in Accra, Ghana where a tentative agreement on the Articles of Association of a proposed economic community in West Africa was signed (ECOWAS, 2021).
ECOWAS was therefore established in 1975 to coordinate and promote trade, cooperation and sustainable development throughout West Africa. The signing of the ECOWAS Treaty of Lagos in May 28, 1975, was indeed a kind of radical response to the plague of poverty and underdevelopment bedevilling West Africa, and as a result, practically provided the much desired framework for the realization of rapid and sustainable socio-political and economic development throughout the sub-region, and has till date the following member states: Republic of Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Cote d‘Ivoire, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone and the Republic of Togo.
The ECOWAS Treaty provided for a gradual establishment of a customs union, common external tariff, and harmonization of economic and financial policies of member states within a period of 15 years (ECOWAS, 2021). It also made provision for compensation for losses encountered by member states in the course of the implementation of the provisions of the treaty. The original treaty was revised in 1993, to broaden economic integration and increase political participation and cooperation throughout the sub-region. The revised treaty sought to attain an integrated common market and a single monetary union with an institutionalized Parliament for stronger political cooperation and participation within the sub-region
1.2 Statement of the Research Problem
Nigeria has for the past four decades been an active member of the ECOWAS. Undoubtedly, Nigeria’s membership in the ECOWAS has over the years come with tremendous benefits. There have been numerous supports in the area of health, education, security, human rights, fighting poverty, aid and grant, and more recently, helping to settle the marine border dispute to mention a few. However, one cannot shy away from the fact that membership has also come with some obligations. As a member of the ECOWAS, the Charter obliges all states to live up to the responsibilities that come with membership in an organization but Notwithstanding the above, there has been a dearth of scholarly exploration on the obligations that Nigeria has discharged as a member of the ECOWAS as well as the privileges that Nigeria has benefitted from over the years. This problem or research gap necessitated this study to examine the obligations that Nigeria has discharged as a member of the ECOWAS as well as the privileges that Nigeria has benefitted as being a member of the ECOWAS.
1.3 Research Questions
The research questions which serve as the guidelines or inform the study include the following:
a. What is the mandate of the ECOWAS as an international organization?
b. What are the privileges and obligations of Nigeria as a member state of the ECOWAS?
c. What challenges does Nigeria encounter in the performance of its obligations as a member state of the ECOWAS?
1.4 Research Objectives
The research generally examines the privileges and obligations of member states of the ECOWAS with Nigeria as the focal point of the study. However, the specific objectives are:
a. To examine the mandate of the ECOWAS.
b. To examine the privileges and obligations of Nigeria as a member of the ECOWAS.
c. To ascertain the challenges Nigeria encounters in the performance of its obligations in the ECOWAS.
1.5 Scope of the Study
The study is situated within an appreciation of the privileges and obligations of Nigeria as a member of the ECOWAS. To do this, references are made to the various portfolios Nigeria has held in the ECOWAS’ (both in the main organs and the agencies) as well as some of the major Peacekeeping missions the country has embarked on. In this regard, the focus on Nigeria’s obligation to the ECOWAS is examined from the perspective of international peace, security, education, health and agriculture. The study also investigates the privileges Nigeria enjoys as a member of the ECOWAS and the obligations she performs as well.
1.6 Rationale of the Study
Considering the fact that the ECOWAS is the leading international body of all nations, it is imperative to examine Nigeria’s current membership regarding the discharge of her responsibilities as well as the privileges which comes with it. It is the hope that this research will also unearth the existing challenges as well as opportunities in respect of Nigeria – ECOWAS relations towards an improved relationship and consolidation. A study such as this which in a way examines Nigeria’s relationship with the ECOWAS shall be very useful to students, international organizations and diplomats for any such future related research. The study will also provide a very useful framework to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Regional Integration in Nigeria, as well as Nigerian Diplomats on how to improve Nigeria ECOWAS relations and take full advantage of the privileges that accrues a state for being a member of the ECOWAS.
1.12 Organization of Chapters
The study is essentially organized into four chapters. Chapter One covers the introduction. This is the chapter that provides the background to the study, statement of the problem, research questions and the objectives of the stud. Chapter Two provides an overview of the ECOWAS. Chapter Three examines the privileges and obligations of Nigeria as a member of the ECOWAS. References are made to the various portfolios Nigeria has held in the ECOWAS’ (both in the main organs and the agencies) as well as the various Peacekeeping missions the country has embarked on. The chapter also investigates the privileges as are due Nigeria as a member of the ECOWAS and the obligations she has undertaken. Chapter four, which is the final chapter, comprises the summary of findings, conclusion and recommendations.
Bello Sani, A. (2015). AN APPRAISAL OF THE CONCEPT AND PRACTICE OF ECONOMIC INTEGRATION UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW: A CASE STUDY OF ECOWAS. [online] Schoolprojecttopics. Available at: <https://www.schoolprojecttopics.com/an-appraisal-of-the-concept-and-practice-of-economic-integration-under-international-law/> [Accessed 2 October 2021].
Ecowas (2021). Treaty | Economic Community of West African States(ECOWAS). [online] Available at: <https://www.ecowas.int/ecowas-law/treaties/> [Accessed 2 October 2021].
In understanding the roles, responsibilities, and contributions of Nigeria to the growth and development of ECOWAS, it is imperative to examine the works of other authors in this field of knowledge. For the purpose of clarity, this review will take a thematic review approach. In other words, the different literature reviewed has been categorised into different themes. There are quite a large number of existing pieces of literature which deal with the in-depth analysis of Nigeria’s contribution to ECOWAS. Hence, works of literature that are important to this research are thus reviewed below
Economic Relationship in West Africa
The first theme is the economic relationship of countries in the West African sub-region, since ECOWAS; a key subject of the study is an economic organisation.
According to Ibrahim and Ahmad (2020), the role of Nigeria in ECOWAS is mostly viewed from a socio-economic perspective. This research work asserts that Nigeria’s Afrocentric doctrine of foreign policy aided the role the nation took upon itself at the establishment of ECOWAS in 1975, coupled with the revenue from oil. This research work also asserts that the Nigerian foreign policy approach towards the regional activities of the ECOWAS under the military regime focused on security in the region rather than economic development. The authors assert that the transition of Nigeria to a civilian rule in 1999 impacted the transition and maintenance of democracy in many West African countries, as the regional leader led by example. They also assert that the foreign policy of Nigeria has directly or indirectly contributed to the continual survival of ECOWAS as a regional international organization and in spheres of security formation, the economic scheme as well as ensuring political stability through good governance and democracy. This research work also examines the attempts at achieving monetary integration in ECOWAS spearheaded by Nigeria and the challenges faced especially from France; a geopolitical neighbour of Nigeria. In addition, the work also established that the inability of member nations to reach up to the set of convergence resulted in the shift and delays on the establishment of the common currency date.
Osondu (2015) asserts that the activities of the Nigerian government in ECOWAS indicate that Nigeria is bearing most of the burden of keeping the organization alive; despite the treaty of the organisation making provision for equal rights, obligations, and benefits. This work evaluated the Nigerian commitment to the organization, comparing it with the benefits to Nigeria from the organization, and reached a conclusion that the country only gained ― prestige as the ‘big brother‘ of African countries which has not directly impacted the lives of average Nigerians. This literature asserts that successive administrations in Nigeria have continuously spent huge amounts and resources to sustain the activities of the organisation at the expense of Nigerians. The literature also points out that Nigeria has benefited from ECOWAS in the area of trade as its trade liberalization policy helped to increase its volume of trade.
Oyeinebiyeridei (2019) assesses Nigeria’s foreign policy and the factors responsible for the effectiveness in the ECOWAS community. The study also carries out an assessment of Nigeria’s activism in ECOWAS.
Omagu (2015) covered the role of Nigeria in the proposed adoption of a monetary union in West Africa. The work however also examined the different problems ranging from the Anglophone and Francophone division in the organisation and conflicting economic priorities of several member countries that have affected the implementation of a monetary union. This paper also examines Nigeria‘s role to create a monetary union for the sub-region. The paper concludes that if the basic components of monetary union are carefully implemented, it can be an effective tool in facilitating a sustainable integration process, through enhancing regional trade leading to development among member states.
Brown (Bach, 2015) focuses on the role of Nigeria in promoting economic cooperation amongst West African countries through the free movement of persons, goods, and services which resulted in the Ecowas Protocol on Free Movement and Residence. This study examines Nigeria’s decision in I983 to expel alien workers despite the Protocol on the Free Movement of Persons, Right of Residence, and Establishment that had been promulgated and ratified by all I6 members of the Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas). It examines the paradox of Nigeria playing a primary role in founding this organisation in 1975, contributing a large percentage of its budget, and hosting its headquarters, although quite legal according to domestic immigration and Ecowas law, the deportation of so many West Africans; a blatant example of a member state’s policy decision contravening the spirit of a regional economic community initiative.
Bappah’s (2013) is also significant for this study. This work carries out a general overview of the establishment of ECOWAS. It shines a light on ECOWAS normative reasons for building regional citizenship in West Africa. This work highlights the supranational and sub-national challenges that could hinder the success of building common citizenship in West Africa under ECOWAS.
Political Affairs in West Africa
Despite the fact that the crux of the matter is economic cooperation between West African States, it is also important to examine the political affairs between Nigeria and other members of the organisation.
Omo-ogbebor, (2017) examines the framework of Nigeria’s foreign policy at independence and how the nation has maintained a relatively consistent Afrocentric foreign policy over the course of varying political dispensations. In this literature, the author also asserts that Nigeria’s foreign policy has progressed despite setbacks along its political and developmental stages which include decolonization, regime change from civilian to the military; unitary, federal, parliamentary, and presidential systems of government, the endless transition to democratic rule. The author asserts that the foreign policy perspective of Nigeria prior to the establishment of ECOWAS was responsible for the leadership role taken up by Nigeria when the regional organisation was formed. The author also asserts that Nigeria’s status as a non-democratic country under military regime dictated its foreign policy directions towards ECOWAS and the West African regional integration in its formative years. Hence, it is not surprising that political stability and security matters dominated the functions of Nigeria to her neighbours in the 80s and 90s rather than economic integration.
The literature also asserts that ECOWAS being created during the oil boom period aided Nigeria’s quest to maintain its leadership status amongst its neighbours as the revenue from oil provided Nigeria a new impetus to practice her non-aligned stance and position of neutrality in international events. The author asserts in this literature that since the return of Nigeria to democratic rule in 1999, the nation has focused more on economic development, integration and unity, peace, and security in West Africa. The author cites the different resistance of Nigeria to various unconstitutional regime changes in West African countries. The author also cites Nigeria’s financial and military contributions in peacekeeping missions in Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Togo as evidence of the nation’s commitment to end hostility in the region.
Eze (2018) examined the role of Nigeria in the development of the Economic Community of West African States. The participation of Nigeria in the formation of ECOWAS is of relevance for two reasons. First, elements that explain the commencement of integration are likely to explain its maintenance as well, in which case the role Nigeria played may provide some insight into future behavior and the new institution’s likely fate. Second, Nigeria’s position is intriguing in and of itself, providing some insight into African diplomacy from a country that is considered to be “on the verge of becoming the first major black power in modern world politics.” Both of these difficulties are addressed in this study.
This research discussed the role of Nigeria in the formation of the Economic Community of West Africa States (ECOWAS). Nigeria’s role in the process of forming ECOWAS is of interest for two reasons. First, it is probable that variables which explain the initiation of integration also explain its maintenance, in which case the role Nigeria played may give some insights into future behavior and the probable fate of the new institution. Secondly, Nigeria’s role is interesting in itself and offers some insights into the African diplomacy of a country said to be “on its way to becoming the first major black power in modern international politics”. This research is concerned with both issues. Nigeria’s commitment to economic integration with West Africa dates back to the early 1960s, when efforts to institutionalize the concept of Pan-Africanism were at their peak. Nkrumah’s continental Union governance or, at the absolute least, a political union of West African republics was one proposal for institutionalizing this concept. This idea failed partly due to Nigeria’s opposition, despite the fact that it was successful in enlisting the backing of a coalition of African governments.
Bah (Mbachi, and Ikeanyibe, 2017) is a piece of literature that is of utmost importance to this study. This work examines how economic cooperation and integration have been explored at various levels in West Africa, where most countries gained independence in 1960 or around that time, with variable degrees of success. The policy of Nigeria in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) from 1979 to 1997 is the subject of this study. It’s a look into the forces that have been driving West Africa’s integration ambitions. The research sheds light on the years 1979 to 1997. The study is divided into three stages: The first was the Alhaji Shehu Shagari era, which lasted from 1979 to 1983; the second was the General Muhammadu Buhari era, which lasted from 1983 to 1984; and the third was the General Ibrahim Babangida/Ernest Shonekan/General Sani Abacha era, which lasted from 1984 to 1998. In respect to specific Protocols of the ECOWAS Treaty, the policy posture of Nigeria as a regional power broker is the focus of analysis. The study looked at three policy paths taken by Nigeria during this time period: the deportation of illegal immigrants, the majority of whom were nationals of ECOWAS member nations, in 1983 and 1985, the land border closure in 1984-1985, and Nigeria’s participation in ECOMOG. These policies are juxtaposed with the Protocol on the free movement of commodities, persons, and services, the 1979 Non-Aggression Pact, the 1981 Mutual Assistance Protocol, and the Protocol on landlocked and island member states. Other sub-regional forces such as linguistic barriers between Anglophone, Francophone, and Lusophone speaking states, external powers such as France, the United Kingdom, and the United States of America, and regional rivalry between Cote d’Ivoire, Senegal, Ghana, Burkina Faso, and Nigeria are also examined. The study indicates that regional integration is the best realistic option for the subregion’s socioeconomic development and political stability. However, because of the discrepancy in economic development, the problem of free movement of people should be handled with extreme caution in order to avoid a repeat of the Nigerian expulsions of 1983 and 1985. Such actions may not be in violation of the Protocol in question, but they will dampen the sense of “oneness” that is essential to the Community’s success. Furthermore, a clear message is required for the implementation of such sensitive Protocols as the 1979 Non-Aggression Pact and the 1981 Mutual Defense Agreement, in order to reduce the disagreement that develops over their implementation. This will help to alleviate regional tensions and enmity, such as those arising from Nigeria’s prominent participation in ECOMOG. Finally, the study suggests that Nigeria plays an important role in ECOWAS. The realization of the Community’s founders’ goals is greatly contingent on Nigeria’s consistent policy path in ECOWAS matters.
Asisi (2010) provides an overview of Nigeria’s foreign policy between 1960-2010. This work also covers the national interest of Nigeria since independence. It also examines some issues in Nigeria’s foreign policy ranging from the African unity and integration project to trends in Nigeria’s external trade policy.
Bukar (2010) carries out an interpretative analysis of Nigeria’s foreign policy in the first 50 years. It examines the origin of the Africa first principle pursued by African countries in world politics. It also examines the dynamism in Nigeria’s foreign policy before and after independence.
Osita (2010) carries out a review of the national interest of the nation in the foreign policy being pursued since independence till 2010. This work also examines the unstable nature of Nigeria’s national interest by stating that there is a difficulty in identifying Nigeria’s concept of national interest.
Ogaba (2010) begins with the examination of prospects for enhanced regional integration in the ECOWAS region. It examines the objectives, structure, and achievements of ECOWAS.
Ojo (Alter, Helfer, & McAllister, 2013) is also relevant for this study. This work examines the role of Nigeria in the formation and maintenance of ECOWAS. It carries out a systematic analysis of the nature of Nigeria’s role, its impact on and probable consequences for the organization. It emphasizes the status of Nigeria as a regional hegemon and how the nation achieved the status. It also examines the fears of domination by Nigeria amongst other member-states of the organisation.
Lawrence (2010) focuses on Nigeria being a key player in harnessing the instrumentality of the Africa Union in continental integration. It examines the internal dynamics of the Nigerian society in the context of the ongoing reforms in her economy and politics especially in the consolidation of democracy and genuine elections all of which is expected to position her as a catalyst trusted by the African states to champion continental integration.
Security in the region
As it is commonly agreed that for economic prosperity to be recorded and political stability to be achieved, there is a need for guaranteed security. Hence, an overview of Nigeria’s activities in ensuring security within the sub-region is important.
Aworawo (2016) examined the activities of Nigeria in the integration process and stability of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) sub-regional arrangement since 1975 when the organization was established. This paper also established that indeed Nigeria’s contribution to the development of ECOWAS was motivated by national interests in line with her foreign policy objectives, however, the nation has taken up more roles in the organisation which is visible in the benevolent, hegemonic peacekeeping and peace-enforcement operations in Liberia and Sierra Leone. This paper also investigated the changes in Nigeria-ECOWAS relations since the beginning of the current political dispensation which started in 1999. The study asserted that Nigeria has been passive in peacekeeping missions since the beginning of the fourth republic due to the notion that the use of force and huge financial contributions in ECOWAS intervention in West Africa armed conflicts, is considered as a waste of resources by many Nigerians for a country that suffers from a dearth of public infrastructures and amenities. The research paper also established a connection between foreign policy, domestic politics, and public opinion by asserting that coupled with the above is the fact that democratic and civilian regimes are more vulnerable to pressure from public opinion, parliament, and the press. The work concluded that for Nigeria to garner support from its citizens to play a bigger role in ECOWAS, domestic politics must be improved.
Bakare (2019) covers Nigeria’s transition to democratic rule in 1999. This article examines the country’s collaborative approach to promoting democracy and security. Before the transition to civilian rule in 1999, Nigerian-led ECOMOG actions in West Africa were rarely seen as legitimate by the international world. Nigeria had the legitimacy and credentials to advocate regional democratization initiatives before 1999. Nigeria’s military intervention in the Liberian civil war (1990-1997) and the restoration of democracy in Sierra Leone in 1998 lacked international legitimacy and appeared to be motivated more by the parochial interests of the two generals, Ibrahim Babangida and Sani Abacha, than by the nurturing and progress of democratic governance in the region. This article asserts that Nigeria’s military interventions in the West African sub-region, however, have been more multilateral than unilateral since the country’s return to democracy in 1999, and appear to be linked to advancing stability and the democratization process within the regional frameworks of ECOWAS, backed by the AU and the UN.
Ojakorotu & Adeleke (2018) emphasizes that Nigeria’s contribution to conflict resolution and peacekeeping operations in Africa and elsewhere cannot be overstated. Since independence, the country has sent over 200,000 soldiers to international peacekeeping missions. These efforts have won it a high level of respect in the United Nations and the title of “Africa’s Giant.” Nigeria has also been dubbed a “regional hegemon” by some academics due to its massive population, comparatively substantial economic and human resources, and larger and better-equipped armed forces, which are equal in numerical strength to the armed forces of all other West African countries combined. In the 1990s, the country was a driving force behind the founding of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Ceasefire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG). It has made the largest contribution to the ECOMOG deployment costs in Liberia, Sierra Leone, Guinea-Bissau, Côte d’Ivoire, and Mali. This research examines Nigeria’s hegemonic tendencies in the West African sub-region. It claims that, despite being the most populous and having the largest economy in the sub-region, the country lacks the military, economic, and international support necessary to act as a hegemon in West Africa.
Dinshak (2020) also contributes significantly to this theme. Despite the strong provisions of the ECOWAS treaty for the regulation of small arms and light weapons (SALW) in West Africa, Nigeria, as a key member state, has been confronted with serious threats to personal security presented by the widespread availability of SALW. Although Nigeria has made considerable progress toward implementing the Convention, the country’s status in this regard remains unclear. This study investigates the nature of the Convention’s implementation in Nigeria in order to identify and resolve any gaps in the process. Nigeria has failed to domesticate and execute the Convention as intended, according to the research. It is therefore proposed that the Federal Government take immediate action to establish the National Commission and put in place the necessary structure and support to guarantee that it is implemented effectively and efficiently.
Ogunnubi & Awonubi (2021) examines the implications of Nigeria’s schizophrenic “border diplomacy” for its continental leadership, which contends that the substance and rhetoric of the country’s border diplomacy represent a foreign policy interest that prioritizes the country’s people, economy, and national security while normatively extending Nigeria’s hegemonic leadership in Africa. Following its independence in 1960, Nigeria created the honorific moniker “big brother” for itself, based on a Pan-Africanist Afrocentric worldview that it promotes by selfless sharing of its people, military, and economic resources. This Africa-focused foreign policy agenda has been embraced by successive governments in order to develop a supposed regional influence in Africa. Despite signing the African Continental Free Trade Agreement late, with the goal of increasing intra-African trade and introducing a novel visa-on-arrival policy for African passport holders, Nigeria’s borders remain porous, leading to the closure of land borders with its West African neighbors in August 2019. The implications of Nigeria’s schizophrenic “border diplomacy” for its continental leadership are examined in this article, and it is argued that the substance and rhetoric of the country’s border diplomacy represent a foreign policy interest that prioritizes its people, economy, and national security while normatively extending Nigeria’s hegemonic leadership.
From the various works of literature reviewed, it can be inferred that a lot of research has been done on the role of Nigeria in the creation and sustenance of ECOWAS, however, very few of the works have examined the roles, responsibilities, and contributions of Nigeria as a member of ECOWAS.
Alter, K., Helfer, L., & McAllister, J. (2013). A New International Human Rights Court for West Africa: The ECOWAS Community Court of Justice. American Journal of International Law, 107(4), 737-779. doi:10.5305/amerjintelaw.107.4.0737
Asisi (2010). Fifty Years of Nigeria’s Foreign Policy: An Overview. Osita, C. E. (Eds.) (2010). Beyond 50 Years of Nigeria’s Foreign Policy: Issues, Challenges and Prospects. NIIA. Lagos.
Aworawo, F. (2016). Nigeria and ECOWAS since 1999: Continuity and Change in Multilateralism and Conflict Resolution. Journal of African Studies, 8, 1-16.
Bach, D. (2015). Regionalism in Africa: Genealogies, institutions and trans-state networks (1st ed.). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315733180
Bah, A. M. S. (1999). Policy issues and regional integration: a case study of Nigeria’s policy in the economic community of West African States (ECOWAS) – 1979-1997. (Thesis). University of Cape Town, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Political Studies. Mbachi, C. O. and Ikeanyibe, O. M. (2017) AN ASSESSMENT OF ECOWAS PROTOCOL ON FREE MOVEMENT, RESIDENCE AND ESTABLISHMENT OF WEST AFRICAN CITIZENS. In: CUCEN 2017, Covenant University, Ota.
Bakare, O. (2019). An Assessment of the Role of Nigeria in ECOWAS’ Security Architecture and Democratisation Efforts in West Africa: From Unilateralism to Multilateralism, 1999-2018. International Journal Of Social Sciences, Humanities And Education, 3(2), 150-161. Retrieved from http://www.ijsshe.com/index.php/ijsshe/article/view/128
Bappah, H. Y. (2013). ” ECOWAS and the Challenges of Building a Community Citizenship in West Africa”. In Diversity and Turbulences in Contemporary Global Migration. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill. doi: https://doi.org/10.1163/9781848881860_002
Bukar, B. (2010) Nigeria’s Foreign Policy in Africa, 1960-2010: An Interpretative Analysis. Osita, C. E. (Eds.) (2010). Beyond 50 Years of Nigeria’s Foreign Policy: Issues, Challenges and Prospects. NIIA. Lagos.
Brown, M. (1989). Nigeria and the Ecowas Protocol on Free Movement and Residence. The Journal of Modern African Studies, 27(2), 251-273. doi:10.1017/S0022278X00000471
Dinshak, L. D. (2020). PERSPECTIVES ON THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE ECOWAS CONVENTION ON SMALL ARMS AND LIGHT WEAPONS IN NIGERIA. Open Journal of Social Science and Humanities (ISSN: 2734-2077), 1(1), 27-41. https://doi.org/10.52417/ojssh.v1i1.66
Eze, C. L. Nigerians Role In The Development Of International Organization (Case Study Of Ecowas). (Unpublished) Retrieved 29th September, 2021 fro http://eprints.gouni.edu.ng/725/
Ibrahim, Y.K. and Ahmad, A.A. (2020). The Role Of Nigeria In The Ecowas And Its Support Towards The Common Proposed Currency Eco. Asian People Journal (APJ)
Lawrence, A. (2010). Nigeria, the African Union and the Prospects of Continental Integration. Osita, C. E. (Eds.) (2010). Beyond 50 Years of Nigeria’s Foreign Policy: Issues, Challenges and Prospects. NIIA. Lagos.
Ogaba, O. (2010). Prospects for Enhanced Regional Integration in the ECOWAS Region. Osita, C. E. (Eds.) (2010). Beyond 50 Years of Nigeria’s Foreign Policy: Issues, Challenges and Prospects. NIIA. Lagos.
Ogunnubi, O & Awosusi, E. O. (2021). Nigeria’s ‘Border Diplomacy’: Rhetoric or Substance for Regional Hegemonic Leadership?. Global Society, DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2021.1947783
Ojakorotu, V., & Adeleke, A. A. (2018). Nigeria and Conflict Resolution in the Sub-regional West Africa: The Quest for a Regional Hegemon? Insight on Africa, 10(1), 37–53. https://doi.org/10.1177/0975087817735386
Ojo, O. (1980). Nigeria and the formation of ECOWAS. International Organization, 34(4), 571-604. doi:10.1017/S0020818300018853
Omagu, D.O. (2015). The Politics of Monetary Union and Economic Integration: Historicizing Nigeria‘s role in ECOWAS. Asian Journal of Research in Social Sciences and Humanities. Asian Journal of Research in Social Sciences and Humanities: PP:39-63. DOI: 10.5958/2249-7315.2015.00050.7
Omo-ogbebor, D. O. (2017). Nigerian foreign policy approach towards ECOWAS. Journal of Human Sciences, 14(4), 4015–4022. Retrieved from
Osita, C. E. (2010). Interrogating the ‘National Interest’ in Nigeria’s Foreign Policy. Osita, C. E. (Eds.) (2010). Beyond 50 Years of Nigeria’s Foreign Policy: Issues, Challenges and Prospects. NIIA. Lagos.
Osondu, M.O. (2015) Membership in the multilateral economic organizations: an evaluation of Nigeria’s participation in ECOWAS (1985 – 2014). International Journal of Development and Management Review: Vol. 10 No. 1. Ajol.