Over the past few decades ,media campaigns have been used in an attempt of affect various health behaviour in mass population. Such campaigns are most notably been aimed tobacco used as health-disease prevention, but have also address alcohol and illicit drug use, cancer screening and prevention, sex- related behaviours, child survival, and many other health related issues. Typical campaigns have placed messages in media that which large audiences, most frequently via television or radio, but also outdoor media, such as billboards and posters, and print media such as magazines and newspapers. Exposure to such messages is generally passive, resulting from an incidental effect of routine used of media (Adams, 2009) some campaign incorporate new technologies (e. g the internet, mobile phones and personal digital assistants), but recipients have so far generally been required to actively chose information, for example by clicking on a web link, and discussion of these methods is not included in this Review. Media campaigns can be of short duration or may extend over long periods (Dodge 2007). They may stand alone or be linked to other organized programme components, such as clinical or institutional outreach and easy access to newly available or existing products or services, or may complement policy changes. Multiple methods of dissemination might be used if health campaign are part of broader social marketing programmes.1 The great promise of mass media campaigns lies in their ability to disseminate well defined behaviourally focused messages to large audiences repeatedly, over time, in an incidentally manner, and at a low cost per head. As we discuss in this Review, however that promise has been inconsistently realized: campaign messages can fall short and even backfire; exposure of audience to the message might not meet expectations, hindered by inadequate funding, the increasingly fractured and cluttered media environment, use of inappropriate or poorly researched format (eg, boring factual messages or age-inappropriate content), or a combination of these feature; homogeneous messages might not be persuasive to heterogeneous audiences; and campaign might address behavior that audiences lack the resources to change (Potter, 2009).

Mass media campaigns can work trough direct and indirect pathways to change the behavior of whole populations. 2 Many campaigns aim to directly affect individual recipient by invoking cognitive or emotional responses. Such programmes are intended to affect decision- making processes at the individual level.

Anticipated outcomes include the removal or lowering of obstacles to change, helping people to adopt healthy or recognize unhealthy social norms, and to associate valued emotions with achieving change. These changes strengthen intentions to alter and increase the likelihood of achieving new behaviours. For instance, an antismoking campaign might emphasize risks of smoking and benefits of quitting, provide a telephone number for a support line, remind smokers of positive social norms in relation to quitting, associate quitting with positive self-regard, or a combination of these features (Adakar, 2008).

Behaviour change might also be achieved through indirect routes. First, mass media messages can set an agenda for and increase the frequency, depth, or both, of interpersonal discussion about a particular health issue within an individual’s social network, which, in combination with individual exposure to messages, might reinforce (or undermine) specific changes in behaviour.

Second, since mass media messages reach large audiences, changes in behaviour that becomes norms within an individual’s social network might influence that person’s decisions without them having been directly exposed to or initially persuaded by the campaign. For example, after viewing televised antismoking campaign messages several members of a social group might be prompted to form a support group to help them stop smoking. Another individual who has not seen the television campaign could decide to join the support group and his or her own behaviours (Owusu,2007).Finally, mass media can prompt public discussion of health issues and lead to changes in public policy, resulting in constraints on individuals’ behaviour and thereby change for example, a campaign discouraging smoking because of its second’

H02: Peer communication will not significantly be the core predictor of health behaviour of Tasuedites

H1: Peer communication will significantly be the core predictor of health behaviour of Tasuedites.

H03: Mass media usage will not be the major determinant of health behaviour of adolescent in TASUED

H1 Mass media usage will be the major determinant of health behaviour of adolescent in TASUED.


This research study is significant in the sense that it contributes to the body of knowledge about peer communication and mass media usage among adolescents. It is also significant because it gives the researcher a sense of fulfillment and also serves as a reference point for students writing research on related topics.


The study would have best been carried out using all higher institutions in Ogun State as a case study but for time and financial constraints. However, the study has been briefly narrowed down to Tai Solarin University of Education, Ijagun, Ijebu-Ode.


PEER COMMUNICATION: This refers to the act of passing information between people of the same age group, status or social standing.

MASS MEDIA: This includes print media, electronic media and other communication medium.

ADOLESCENT: As defined by WHO (2005) includes children from the age of fifteen (15).

HEALTH BEHAVIOUR: This refers to dynamism in health habit of any individual.

PEER PRESSURE: This is the magnitude of pressure mounted by people of the same social standing, age or status on themselves.

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